Tuesday, August 14, 2012

Shakya clan


- Kashinath Tamot
There were 16 Mahājanapada("great village") in the first millennium before Christ in northern region of India and western Tarai of Nepal. Among them four Magadha, Koshal, Vamsa and Avanti were kingdoms. Remaining twelve were Republic, namely: Kashi, Anga, Vajji (Vaishali), Malla, Cedi, Kuru, Pancala, Matsya, Shurasena, Assaka, Gandhara and Kamboja. Among them clans of Shakyas, Koliyas as well as Videhas were in Nepal Terai. If we try to find etymologies of place names of South Asian countries, we find one of system of topographical names originated from the abundance of any trees and plant of the place. Thus, we find names of Shakya, Koliya and Maurya from Shaka 'teak tree', Koli 'Jujube tree' and Mura "a fragrant plant" ( Apte,1986) Shakya, Maurya are adjectival forms of them and they are known in Pali as Sakiya, Koliya and Mauriya, These city-states, seems to be established in 700 BC . In course of time, Shakya became synonym to Shakya Republic, inhabitant of the Shakya country. After Buddha (BC 624-544/someone follows Buddha's life time as BC 563-483) took birth in the clan, Shakya became again synonym to Buddha. People used Shakya as relating to Buddhism also. Compound words with the word Shakya became popular to glorify the clan.
The word Shakya was used for the first time in Ashokan Pillar inscription of Lumbini, established when Emperor Ashok (BC 273-232) came to Lumbini on the 20th year of his coronation (BC 249). There it is inscribed:
.....hida budhe jāte sakyamuniti..........
(Here Shakyamuni Buddha was born.)
Siddharha was born at Lumbini on the way to his mother's country Devadaha, another minor Shakya state of the time. He was a prince of the Head of the Shakya state-Shuddhodana. He married own maternal elder Uncle Suprabuddha Shakya's daughter-Yashodhara from Devadaha. Shakya capital was in Kapilavastu (Tilaurakot) named after the sage Kapila, the preceptor of Shakyas. The state was destroyed by the king Bidudabha/Virudhaka of Koshal in BC 546, two years before Buddha liberated from existence (Pradhan 1983:57) Licchavi republic was ended by the emperor of Magadh-Ajatashatru (BC 551-519) (Mahajan 1973:2). Lord Buddha was born at Lumbini in Shakya state, enlightened at Uruvela in Magadh kingdom, preached first at Mgadāvana in Kashi and liberated from existence at Kushinara in Malla Republic.
It is seen from inscription of ancient Nepal (185-879) that people migrated to Kathmandu valley since Buddha’s time to early centuries of AD from Buddhist region of south western Nepal Terai and northern India. Record from inscriptions like words of Varman, Gupta, Vjikarathyā, Mallapurī, Koligrāma, Licchavivaśa proves this ideology. There are 15 percent inscriptions estimated related to Buddhism and several compounds words with Shakya are recorded in ancient inscriptions: Śākyamuni (AD 605-621), Śākyayati (n.d.), Śākyabhiksu (n.d.), Śākyabhikuni (AD 691). Ancient period of Nepalese history is also called Licchavi period, named after migrated people from Vajji/Vaishali of modern Mujaffarpur district, Bihar state of northern India.
Shakyas are supposed to be of higher caste in Newar community. They strongly believe in Triratna (three jewels): Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. They made hundreds of Buddhists monasteries in Nepalmandal. Besides, being Buddhist layman, they worked as priest being Vajracharya, upgraded Shakyas, having Vajra initiation. These people made Nepalmandal a centre of Mahayan Buddhism creating Sanskrit Buddhist literature like Navagrantha ("nine treaties"). Shakyamuni is considered seventh and present one among seven human Buddhas. It is in tradition in Kathmandu valley as mentioned in Sugatāvadana. The earliest Newari document of AD 1114 on palm leaf is about regulations of the associations of Maidharajīva Mahāvihāra. In early modern Nepalese history (1768-1846), it is seen that Shakyas were named Vandya "venerable" (Nepali Bādā, Newari Bare). B.H.Hodgson’s residency pundit Amritananda Vandya and his younger brother litterateur of Nepali, pundit Sundarananda Banda were famous in their time.
Though Mahayana Buddhism, Vajrayana in particular, flourished in ancient and medieval period of Nepalese history in Nepalmandal, Shakyamuni Buddha was one of seven or five Buddhas of them. Shakyas were and are leading Buddhist laymen in all time. Theravadin Buddhism, which follows singly Shakyamuni Buddha, entered Nepal from Srilanka in last century and now it has been one of the three sects of Buddhism in Nepal. Dharmodaya Sabha, the National Buddhist Association of Nepal has managed to be chairperson of the Association by turn of Theravadin, Vajrayani and Himalayan (Tibetan) Buddhism. Now a day’s Shakyas of Kathmandu valley are famous for their Buddhist art creation.
References:-
Apte, V.S., 1986
The practical Sanskrit–English Dictionary. Reprint. Kyoto: Risen Book Company.
Mahajan, Vidhyadhar, 1973
Prācīna bhārata kā itihāsa (History of Ancient India). Fourth edition. Delhi: S.Chanda and Company.
Pradhan, Bhuvan Lal, 1985
Buddhadharma ra Śākyaharu (Buddhism and Shakyas). Kathmandu: Yuva Bauddha Samuha, B.S. 2529.
Tamot, Kashinath, 1985
"Nepālbhāāyā vikāsay mūla bauddhatay dena". (Contribution of aboriginal Buddhist in the development of Newari language). Nhasalā: No.15 (NS 1105), pp. 45-65.
Memory Note:
1.            This write up was prepared for Mr. Ma Weiguang of China, former cultural secretary of Nepal and India. This was written on the request of Prof. Ballabh Mani Dahal (1934-2003) and sent to Ma Weiguang through e-mail of June 28, 2002.
2.            Mr. Weiguang replied in e-mail of July 8, 2002 as below:
Thank you very much for your write up to me, which is high scholarly value and so useful to my research work needed. These themes are neglected and confused in Chinese research circle, even big scholars cannot tell clearly. Your write up will contribute to make a clear picture of the Sino- Nepalese cultural exchanges in history.

Rañjanā Script


- Kashinath Tamot

Rañjanā script is a specific style of Nepal script developed in Nepalmandal in 11th century. It was popular not only in Nepal to write Holy scriptures, but it was spread in most of Asian countries. It became Pan-Asian script for writing Mahayan Buddhist mantra. We need to know history of script popular in Nepal to understand the origin and development of it.

Brahmi script of Niglihawa Pillar inscription of Taulihawa district, western Terai of Southern Nepal is the first epigraph of Nepal established by Emperor Ashok (BC 273-232) of Magadh in the 14th year of his coronation (BC 255), when he visited there are doubled the stupa of Kanakamuni the fifth among seven Buddha lineage. Ashok visited here again in 20th year of his coronation (AD 249) as well as in Lumbini, where he established another Pillar inscription conforming the birth place of Shakyamuni Budha. After Ashokan Brahmi found in Lumbini, Lumbini zone of Western Region of Nepal, having passed 434 years, Nepal sees its single Kushan Brahmi of AD 185 in Kathmandu Valley from Maligaon in a pedestal of life size statue of King Jayavarman. The image was unearthed in May 1992. Again after 264 years only, since AD 459 Nepal has its continuous epigraph in Guptā script for 5th and 6th centuries. At 7th to 9th centuries, there developed two common features in script. Hence, two names Kuilākara and Siddhamātkā were commonly used for the script that was popular at that time. Kuilākara “curved letter” was named because of the curveness of the letter and its diacritics. Tibetan script is one of the variations of this script. Somboda, the minister of King Srong-tsan-Gampo (AD 617-649), came to India, possibly in Nalanda Monastery, Bihar with 15 companions to study Buddhist scriptures. He learnt Kuilā/Siddhamātkā and developed personally Tibetan (Sambodan) script simplifying naturally developed South Asian Script. He converted Tibetan way the natural script of vowel i.u,e with diacritics on ‘a’ as marks are given in consonant letters. Government of Nepal gave name of its own as Early Licchavi script (AD 459-576) to Guptā and Late Licchavi (576-879) to Kuilā in 1960. Thus, Licchavi script became local name for Nepalese epigraphy for popularly known South Asian script of Guptā and Kuilā. Scholars prefer to say Kuilā to the script of 7-9 centuries in South Asia, though there are other names given to it, but in North Asia it is popularly known by the name of Siddhamātkā, specially in Japan, it is preferred.

In course of time modern scripts of South Asia emerged since 8-10th centuries through Kuilā. Local forms of it developed in Nepal, Devanagar (Patnā), Gaua (Bangladesh-Bengal), Kashmir and so on. In 1654, Pratap Malla (1641-74), the king of Kathmandu made a stone water basin in Hanumandhoka Royal palace and engraved there a verse in Manulipi (“fourteen scripts”) of above mentioned places are given as Nevāra, Devanāgara, Gauiyā and Kāsmirī to modern day Nepal (Newari) script, Devanāgarī, Bengali and Shāradā.

There is inter-relation between Nepal era and Nepal script in case of origin of them as a part of Newar civilization of Nepalmandal (modern Central Hilly Region of Nepal). Nepal era was founded by a merchant Shankhadhar in AD 879. The earliest date known of it is from a medical book Lakāvatāra (National Archives, No. 1-1647, Kathmandu) of NS 28 (AD 908). This is also supposed to be the earliest specimen of Nepal script. Nepalese history is supposed to be changed from Ancient (Licchavi) to Medieval since Nepal era starts. But some scholars prefer to name Post-Licchavi to the Transitional period (879-1200) of Medieval Nepal. So the script used at that period has also been named Kuilā or post-Kuila by them. Most of Nepalese scholars agree that Nepal script originated in early 10th century. After the practice of a century, in 11th century three styles of Nepal script evolved. They are named according to the head marks and vision as Pācumola (“straight headed”), Golamola (“round headed”) and Rañjanā (“pleasing”). They are named in Manulipi (AD 1654) of Pratap Malla as Nevāra Ākhara, Golamola Ākhara and Rañjā Ākhara while modern names for them are Pracalita (“popular”), Bhujimola (“fly-headed”) and Rañjanā. Among these three scripts Tibetan people also use two as holy script in their scriptures. They named it Wartu (Skt. Vartula ‘round’) and Lanjā (Skt. Rañjanā). Tibetan writers and artists use Rañjanā in their manuscripts and arts as the script of original scripture and art.

The word Rañjanā is formed of the verbal root rañ-j “to be pleased, satisfy or delighted” suffixed with feminine form of verbal termination - ana (lyut*) forming abstract noun. Thus Rañjanā meant pleasing or pleasure.

There are several manuscripts in Nepalese archives written in frontier states outside Nepalmandal in early Medieval period. They are from Gaua, Vārāasi, Tirhut (Simaroungarh), Bihar etc. (Regmi 1966: 148-9). There are some interesting account that Nepalese king sent scholar to Indian cities in search of rare scripture and scribe of the foreign state wrote manuscripts for Nepalese donor. It is well known fact that there are many manuscripts in Tirhuti (Maithili) scripts and some manuscripts in Gauiya (Bengali) script written in Nepal available in Nepalese archives among Kuilā-generated scripts of South Asia Nepalese, Begali, Maithili, Asami and Orissa are sister scripts of the Eastern section. Hence proto-forms of these scripts are identical. It is obvious due to historical relation between early Medieval South Asian states, we can assume that not only languages but also scripts were popular among. them. According to Svayambhupuran, Pracaṇḍadeva (Śāntikarācārya afterwards), the King of Gaua (7th cent.) came to Kathmandu Valley and made firstly the Svayambhucaitya. He initiated Vajrācārya priest lineage in Kathmandu Valley and popularized it by his pupil Bandhudatta, the priest of the king Narendradeva (AD 643- 679) of Ancient Nepal. It is interesting to know that Vikramshila (Nalanda) Mahavihar of Rajgir, Bihar of India rose to ever greater prosperity during the reign of Pāla dynasty (8-12 centuries). [The Seeker’s Glossary of Buddhism, p. 395]. We also know that there were regular contact of scholars between Nepal and Nalanda for studying Mahayan Buddhism. Scholars entered Kathmandu Valley from Nalanda after Muslim destroyed it in AD 1197. It seems to be likely that Vikramsila Mahavihar of Bihar, India was renamed to Thambahil (upper outer monastery) of Yambu, upper city of Kathmandu), as the place became the centre for Mahayan Buddhism studies since 13th century.

One of the earliest known manuscript of Rañjanā script is the Mahayan Buddhist text Kāraṇḍavyūha written in the 2nd year of the reign of king Rāmapāla (AD 1077-1120) [See colophon in Shakya and Vaidya 1970:6] King Rāmapāla is the king of Bengal. Dr. Dinesh Chandra Regmi (1991:102) realizes Rañjanā feature in Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā of c. AD 1020 taken from Kathmandu to Cambridge University written in the reign of Mahipāladeva of Bengal. Dr. Regmi thus concludes that Rañjanā originated from Bengal. But we cannot accept it, because that Rañjanā is simply the style of Nepal script. There are similar features among three Nepal script, namely, Pācumola, Golamola and Rañjanā as three styles of Roman: small, capital and italic. Pecularities of Rañjanā lies on combination of thin and thick strokes, headmark composed of solid triangle, slanting line at the end of letters. We rather need to accept that Nepal (Rañjanā) script was one of popular script in Bengal in early Medieval period as Bengali was popular in some extent in Nepal in later period. There seems to be the great possibility that Rañjanā was one of popular script in Mahayani Buddhist centre Vikramshila (Nalanda) Mahavihar of Bihar, which was patronised by Pāla kings during 8-12 centuries. The centre was destroyed by Muslims and scholars came to Kathmandu and started the centre again in Vikramshila (Thambahil), Mahavihar of upper Kathmandu city. Per Kvaerne (1977:1-2) gives as the most important information that the Tibetan translation of Caryagita included in the Tibetan Tajnur was translated by the prolific translator Grags-pa-rgyal-mchan (c. 1285-1378) in the town of Yam-bu (upper Kathmandu, obviously at Vikramshila Mahavihar). He also translated in collaboration with Kashmirian scholar Kirticandra at Yam-bu the Amarakosa (with a Kāmadhenu commentary of subhuticandra) and the play Lokānanda, also compiled into Tanjur in AD 1334. There is the most sacred Rañjanā manuscript of Lakāvatī Prajñāpāramitā of NS 344 (AD 1233), which was written by Pt. Jinaśrījñāna. Pratap Malla (1641-74), the king of Kathmandu with his queen Lālamati visited the most venerable text and wrote three stanzas of appreciation happily in the post–colophon (Shakya, 1969:44). The Rañjanā Prajñāpāramitā is taken in chariot procession every year with Dipankar Cankramaa in first of dark fortnight of Caitra (ibid). Every year, people from Buddhist Himalaya (Tibet, Bhutan, Sikkim Laddakh) come to visit this gold-lettered Rañjanā Prajñāpāramitā. They suppose the script Lamaihyig “preceptorial letter” (Shakya 1969:45),.

Rañjanā is written to make special. Most of texts of it is Buddhistic, but there are some Hinduistic texts also in Viṣṇudharmottara (AD 1220), Durgāsaptaśatī (AD 1401) etc. Among Buddhistic texts general texts like Nāmasagīti, Pañcarakā, Dhāranīmantras are written simply in palmleaves or papers. But the most venerable texts of Nine jewels of Mahayan Buddhist scriptures are generally written with the ink mixed of gold and silver in Nīlapatra (blue papers). There are gold-lettered Rañjanā manuscripts. Which are found generally in Buddhist monasteries. The Aṣṭasāhaśrikā Prajñāpāramitā of Hirayavara Mahavihar (popular by the name Golden Temple among tourists) of Patan is recited occasionally by ten Vajracaryas. This gold-lettered Rañjanā scripture is dated of AD 1225. This holy text is seated in a small silver throne there. One such Prajñāpāramitā of AD 1105 is there in Rudravarna Mahavihar of Patan. Mahayan Buddhist scripture written in Rañjanā script are distributed in the most of libraries of the world.

In case of writing inscription in Rañjanā is rare. We have known such inscriptions less than a dozen in eight centuries within AD 1200 to date. Among these, we can say one of six inscriptions at a corner of the wall inside the gateway of the Cloud Terrace at the foothill of Zhizheng, the Yuan dynasty’s last emperor (AD 1345). there it is inscribed Buddhist scripture in six scripts: Rañjanā for Sanskrit, Tibetan, Phags-pa (Mongolian), Uygur, Tangut and Chinese. China daily (January 9, 1982) has made error giving name of script as Sanscrit. (Joshi 1987: 114-115, photo-print of inscriptions, p. 64).

It is worth-noticing of royal letters of Chinese emperors written in Tibetan, Mancu and Rañjana scripts sent to knigs of Nepal, which are published in the work of Jñānamai Nepal (1988) on Nepal-China relation. There is a clear photo-print of the faramāna (edict) of the emperor Yung-lo (Tayi?) to the governer of Palancok of Nepal, Shaktisiha Rāma has been published. The royal edict is written in Sanskrit language and Rañjanā script (Plate No. 11). It show Nepal Savat 535 Āāha Śukla Daśamī equivalent to June 16th, 1415 (Petech 1984:266) has highlighted Nepal-China relation of this period as below:

It is quite clear that Newar influence on Chinese sculpture and painting was not limited in the Yuan period (1279-1368) but continued during the Ming period (1368-1644), not only under the emperor Yongle (1403-24) but also under his successors, as is shown by the dates in the mentioned inscriptions.

There is the most important role of Tibetan painters for spreading Rañjanā script all over the world through their hundreds of painted scrolls (Tibetan Thankā, Newari Paubhā). They write Sanskrit quotation from Mahayan Buddhist scripture in Rañjanā on the back of each scroll. Newar painters do not write on the back of the scroll. They write inscriptions sometime in Rañjanā on the foot of the painting.

The script of Rañjanā was so beautiful thait it originated further style of it. It developed for writing mantras of Mahayan Buddhist in monogram Kūākara “mystic letter”. There developed class-lettered alphabet of k-, c-ñ, -, p-m, y-v, ś-h. It is seen in some tantric manuscripts of Nepal that mantras are written in monogram for mysticity. Rañjanā monogram is kept in temples, monasteries and gates of them. The most poplar monogram is of seven-lettered HA KA MA LA VA RA YA. It is symbol of universe. In traditional tantric text this mantra has been accepted as Vajrapātādihārim “destroyer of thunderbolt etc.” (Shakya 1969:50). This is why this monogram is kept in holy monuments. Artistic blocks of this monogram is attached in roof side of White Pagoda Monastery of China (Joshi, 1987:31).

In most cases, a monogram is an acronym of individual Vījākara “seminal letter”. It is monosyllabic. Many Vījākaras are used in tantric mantras. It is used at the centre of a painted scroll. Tibetan people use it on the cover of their publication. It is written in floral design. It is used in eight petalled design. It is used as a symbol of tantric deity, mantra or essence of any idea.

Thus Rañjanā script has been developed as a style of Nepal script, which is used for special purpose and for special text. It is used almost all from writing “God’s language”, that is, Sanskrit. Though it is originated in Nepal, it was spread in many Asian countries as holy script. Kūākara “mystic letter” in monogram and Vijākara “seminal letter” are written only in Rañjanā script. These are further development of general Rañjanā style of Nepal script. Kathmandu Metropolitan City has used it for writing place names and signboards. It is being popular for designing logo of institute and others. Rañjanā script is the living heritage of Nepal.

References

Bue, Erberto Lo, 1985-86
“The Newar Artists of the Nepal Valley: An Historical Account of their Activities in Neighbouring Areas with particular References to Tibet”. Oriental Art (New Series), XXXI: 3 (Autumn 1985). pt. I, pp. 262-277: 4 (Winter 1985/86), pt. II, pp. 409-420.

Joshi, Satya Mohan, 1987
Kalākāra Arniko. Kathmandu: Vijaya Gajananda Vidya, VS 2044. (In Nepali)

Kvaerne, Per, 1977
An Anthology of Buddhist Tantric Songs: A study of the Caryagīti. Oslo: universities forlaget.

National Archives, 1995
A Report on the Survey and Study on Newari script. Kathmandu: N.A. HMG.

Nepal, Jnanamani, 1988
Nepāla-Bhoa cīnasambandhakā kehī sāsktika paka (some cultural aspects of Nepal-Tibet China relation). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, VS 2045. (In Nepali)

Petech, Luciano, 1984
Mediaeval History of Nepal (c. 750-1482). Rome. IsIMEO.

The seeker’s Glossary of Buddhism. Second ed. New York: Sutra Translation Committee of the U.S. And Canada, 1998.

Rajbanshi, Shankarman, 1974
Nepalī Lipivikas (Evolution of Nepalese script). Kathmandu: Kailas Publication VS 2031. (Reprinted from Kailash, 2:1-2). (In Nepali)

Rajbanshi, Shankarman, 1983
“Aitihāsika patra-Eka paricaya” (An introduction to Historical letters). Rolamba 3:2 (April-une), pp. 4-10. (In Nepali)

Regmi, Dinesh Chandra, 1991
Purālekhana Paricaya Nepal (An introduction to Neplese Paleography) Kathmandu: Sushila Regmi, VS 2048. (In Nepali)

Shakya, Hemraj, 1969
Nepāla-Sansktiyā Mūlukhā (Main Entrance of the culture of Nepal). Laliptur: Candralaksmi Shakya, NS 1089. (In Newari)

Shakya, Hemraj, 1974
Nepāla Lipī-Prakāśa (A light on script of Nepal). Kathmandu. Royal Nepal Academy, VS 2030. (In Newari)

Shakya, Hemraj and T.R. Vaidya, 1970
Medieval Nepal: Colophons and Inscriptions. Kathmandu: T.R. Vaidya.

Tamot, Kashinath, 1991
“Nepālamā Pracalita lipiko Paricaya”. (An introduction to the script popular in Nepal). Madhuparka, 24:7 (VS 2048 Mangsir/Nov-Dec.), pp. 5-13. (In Nepali)

Tamot, Kashinath, 1998
“Pratapa Mala NS 774 sa cvakugu manulipi” (14 scripts made written by Pratap Malla in AD 1654). Viśvabhūmi. (daily), NS 1118 Kachalā 1 .p.kha. (In Newari)

MEMORY NOTE:

1. This write up along with “Shakya Clan” was prepared for Mr. Ma Weiguang of China, former cultural secretary of Nepal and India. This was written on the request of Prof. Ballabh Mani Dahal (1934-2003) and sent to Ma Weiguang through e-mail of June 28, 2002.

2. Mr. Weiguang replied in e-mail of July 8, 2002 as below:
Thank you very much for your write up to me, which is high scholarly value and so useful to my research work needed. These themes are neglected and confused in Chinese research circle, even big scholars cannot tell clearly. Your write up will contribute to make a clear picture of the Sino- Nepalese cultural exchanges in history.

Traditional Nepalese Doors and Windows


- Kashinath Tamot

Doors and windows are the ‘perfume in gold’ in the Nepalese architecture. In the words of Dr. Nil Ratna Banerjee, these are “an inevitably essential part of the architectural complex and received considerable embellishment in spite of the limited scope offered by the trellis-like tracery of the window-panels. They are examples of artistic perfection within the confined frame-work of geometric precision.” Wood-carvings on a window or door is not only a decoration, but there are religion, myths and tantras (mysticism) interwoven in it.

The master craftsmanship of Ancient and Medieval Nepal has bestowed an eternal beauty on the doors and windows of this country, where as the doors are of the same types, only varying in embellishments, the windows are of different types. They have different significance and purpose. The most common ones are the tikijhyā (the latticed window) and the sajhyā (the oriel window). These words are from Nepālabhāā (Newari), language of the Newars, the natives of the Kathmandu Valley. They are famous for their art and culture from the very ancient times.

You may not imagine that there are technical names for the component parts of a window. But there are meaningful words for them. Every part of a window represent something of religious significance. I am going to describe here only the names of the parts of a common window. Significance, indication imagination, development and history of such parts cannot be described in this digestive article.

Our artist ancestors had imagined a window as a face of a devotee. Thus a window has a kolā the front face of the kopu (lintel) which have carvings representing hairs or clouds. kolā is the eye-lid in the face design. At the top layer of it, there is mikhāphusi (eyebrow). Below the kolā at the top sill of the caukot (frame) of a window, there is a sinha (sacred mark) in the middle, generally a figure of a god, or third eye is carved at this point. Below the mark (the point where the panels (khāpās) of a door join, there is the nhāe ‘nose’ which has the design of a sword or crocodile. At the bottom sill, between the base of the lateral vertical columns there is a carved elevated portion. It is known as calu, seems to be like the chin in the face-design. There is also a figure of a god in the middle.

This point, therefore, has special significance in the face. Or, there is a garua with two snakes caught on its legs.

On the vertical columns (stambha) and sub-columns (upastambha) are commonly the pānasa (ceremonial oil-lamp) and pūrakalaśa (ceremonial water-jar). The minacos make the ears to the face-design. These are seen in between the top and the bottom horns attached to the vertical columns. The horn is called laco which is artistically carved magala (sacred emblem) - a snake or a branch of a tree, or a plant with flowers and leaves. Some windows have got tympanum (toraa) over it. It is another most important part of the Nepalese architecture. An exhaustive essay can be written about its arts and significances. As there are the flying creatures and pulling animals at the base of the vertical columns, windows are the symbols of the air and land vehicles mounted and driven by the gods and goddesses. So, the windows are very often symbolic to the ‘gods and goddess with their respective mounts’. A particular number of the windows placed on one line in the house or temple also indicate some religious significance.

The famous traditional model windows of different shapes, signs and symbols and embellishments can be seen in the Matha Ch or Pujārī Matha in Bhaktapur, Kumari Ch (Living goddess palace) in Kathmandu and in the ancient palaces and temples around in the Durbar Squares of the three old cities of the Kathmandu Valley.

[Reprinted from: Nepal Digest (Bimonthly, Shakya Research Institute, Kathmandu), 1:1 (March-April 1971), pp. 116-119.]

Reading the ‘Kavi Kesari’


- Mahendra Man Singh

The title ‘Kavi Kesari’ was conferred upon him by HM King Mahendra. His statue now stands on the very junction that once had a bust of King Mahendra. Chittadhar Hridaya was not an ‘anti-monarchist’. He actually was incarcerated for six years for being pro-monarchist and anti-rana during the anti-rana movement culminating in VS 2007 Jana Kranti (AD 1951 People’s Revolution). The vagaries, ironies and misconception of time appear to have dealt a misplaced blow!

His literary works were however never misplaced. Be it the very poignant Mi Mana Pau (The Unburnt Letter) translated into English by Kesar Lal as ‘The Letter that was not Burnt’ or the more recent Oxford University publication Sugata Saurabha painstakingly translated into English by Todd T. Lewis and Subarna Man Tuladhar.

I say ‘painstakingly’ because I am also reading the original version, of what may be called a magnum opus in Nepal Bhasa, on the life of Śākyamuni Gautam Buddha. While Tuladhar explained the language to Lewis, translating not only literally but also bringing out the nuances of the language and the deep feelings inherent in the tale, it must have been what we in Nepal say “dāt bāta pasinā jharne kām”-that which makes the teeth sweat- or as is said in Newari-”hi cati pyāhā waigu”-that which makes the blood and sweat come out. A bit roundabout but more descriptive than ‘painstaking’ and well deserved too!

The way I have attempted to read, and am reading Chittadhar Hridaya’s Sugata Saurabha is simple and comical. I sometimes open the Newari version, read a few pages and then open the English version. And at other times I do just the opposite. This gives the pleasure of reading both books and also allows comparing and comprehending, perhaps more fully because some words used by Chittadhar in his Newari original are beyond me. The title ‘Sugata Saurabha’ itself was beyond me until I read the explanation in the translation. Professor Nirmal Man Tuladhar of CNAS, a proud relative of the Kavi, admitted that he too could not understand some words and therefore sentences. Incidentally, he was the one who gave me the Newari original.

The work cannot and therefore should not be read in one sitting. Take your time. Surely, you don’t have a bus to catch and in any case you cannot read it in a bus. Remember the story is about the life and times of some twenty five hundred years ago.

The ‘Kavi Kesari’ truly loves nature. His description of the garden of Lumbini is meticulous in detail and intimate in feeling. Dawn, birds and bees, plants and flowers, deer and doe, all flow out from the poet’s pen. On such a tranquil backdrop he introduces humans who are serene, amiable, amicable and beautiful also. Listen to the soft tinkling of bangles and bracelets amidst the delightful chirping of birds and the soft humming of bees as you read. It is indeed very delightful!

As he penned the poetic tale while in prison during the mid 1940s, Chittadhar Hridaya obviously could not have gone to Lumbini. Yet, this does not stop the Kavi Kesari from taking the reader into a most pleasant tour of the birthplace of the Lord Buddha. This is very typical of him. He never went to Tibet and yet his account of the place in his other story ‘Mi Mana Pau’ is enchanting-it was not without reason that the prestigious title was conferred upon him. The translation in English by Lewis and Tuladhar may have missed the actual flavour and spice of the original, as is to be expected, but it is true in spirit and presents the essence. Professor Lewis’s ample knowledge and experience in religious studies must surely have been a most valuable asset and tool in the rendering of this epic poem into an international language. It is possible to imagine the conversations of Lewis and Tuladhar with the poet and also between themselves as they read through and translated from Newari and sifted through the English vocabulary and idioms searching for the precise word and phrase. Why is Newari always said to be of Tibeto-Burman origin? Professor Lewis asks the same. Yes! I am aware that many years ago, some linguist said so. Could he have been mistaken? Some scholars say that the Newars migrated to Nepal from ‘Nāyar Desh’ in South India. Very far from Tibet and Burma I would add. Chittadhar’s community thrived and prospered on trade with Tibet but the languages are totally different. In any case that will be a topic for another research.

Coming back to Sugata Saurabh, as the poet is of Newar birth and breeding, his descriptions of life and style, art and architecture can only reflect his native character. This cannot and should not in any way be considered against him or his work. The Buddha has been, still is and will be depicted in a myriad of ways across the world and over the thousand of years and the years to come. Witness the statues of the Buddha in Japan, China and India as examples. Stories of the life and times of the Tathāgata as well as images of him will certainly reflect regional dialects.

While writing this piece, I consulted Molliniere’s dictionary of Sanskrit and English. Lewis and Tuladhar have translated the title ‘Sugata Saurabha’ quite correctly. ‘Saurabha’ means fragrance and ‘Sugata’ is one of the many names of the Buddha. Of the many fragrances spread by Sugata during his lifetime, the canto on ‘Dispute over Water’ is an eye opener for modern times. The Śākya and Koli clans were on the verge of a violent confrontation over river waters when the Śākya Rishi arrives, and smiling at the assembled combatants, first admonishes them gently and then guides them to a peaceful solution. Peace is in essence, the fragrance of ‘Sugata’. Note that the vocabulary of the title is Sanskrit and not Newari. Sanskrit is a very refined and precise language. The vocabulary is extensive and sometimes multisyllabic. Newari abounds in monosyllabic words. The context and intonation during speech, determines the meaning of the word. The Newars take pride in the fact that their one word can mean many things! I have reminded my Newar friends much to their chagrin, that it also indicates the vocabulary is not extensive!

So why do I read Chittadhar Hridaya simultaneously in Newari and English or vice versa? Is it to see how the nuances of the monosyllabic Newari language has been captured and rendered in the English? Is there a budding desire in me to try and better the presentation of Lewis and Tuladhar? I will have to consult my friend Professor Nirmal Man Tuladhar. Remember we are fluent in Newari and English, but it will be a ‘hi cati pyāhā waigu jyā’… ‘ dāt bāa pasinā jharne kām’

Should I be that bold? I have lost some of my pearly whites more to carelessness than age and if my teeth started dripping with sweat, my dentist would howl with laughter. Till then to the duo of Lewis and Tuladhar, “Ji subhāy biyā”. I speak words of praise!

[Reprint from: www.ekantipur.com/The Kathmandu Post (English daily), Saturday, January 8, 2011, p.7]

Two Bhairavs of Pashupati Temple


- C.B. Shrestha

Strangely enough we have two Bhairavs within the sacred compound of the temple of Pashupatinath. The one is Kīrtimukha Bhairav and the other Unmatta Bhairav. The two have the history of their own quite distinct from the other except their common denominator, Bhairav. Now let us make our reverential acquaintance with each.

Kīrtimukha Bhairav is the once lying flat on the stone pavement, contiguous to Sitalā Mai, the well known small-pox deity. Once, the goddess had universal sway. She would often exact a heavy toll to lives especially of children. Her victims were covered over with rash of pustules from head to heel of the whining, growing children presenting a very woeful picture. Thanks to Dr. Jenner, small pox is now thing of the past. HMG’s Department of Health exulting their victory in the war against the fell and formidable disease daily announces proudly through Nepal Radio a reward to anyone for tracking down a single case of Small pox anywhere in the realm and for reporting to the nearest health center. Near the idol of Sitalā is the the idol of Kīrtimukha Bhairav. Unlike other idols, it consists of only the face of brass looking skyward Legend has it that this Bhairav was very fond of meat, whenever he was what he asked wanted by Mahādeva, who, wished to grant him a boon, he would always ask for meat. Once Mahādeva was so much incensed by his insatiable craving and mania for meat, when Kīrtimukha asked for meat to eat as usual, Mahādeva said to him indignantly “THOU SHALL EAT THINE OWN MEAT OUT OF THY BODY”. Now Kīrtimukha started eating his own meat, till he had devoured all of himself and nothing was left except his visage. Mahādeva took pity on him and promised him a Pañcabali (the five sacrificial victims, viz a he-buffalo, a ram, a billy goat, a drake and a cock) on every full moon day year in and year out. This sacrifice of five creatures has been given by the image on the southern side of the holy shrine of Pashupati. This image is said to be no other than the image of Aghoramūrti. This sacrifice has remained a puzzle to me since childhood. This is apparently an inroad of the tantric ritual into orthodox Vedic form of worship to the Lord K. B.K.C.’c the Judicial Customs of Nepal does not throw any light to this mystery. Obviously it means much more than what meets our eyes.

Now let us turn to the other Bhairav. He is called Unmatta Bhairav situated in the shed on the southern side of the Pahsupatinath temple. When Shivasingh Malla was ruling over Kantipur, Unmatta Bhairav made his first appearance in Nepal. Ganga Rani was the queen of Shiva Malla. She was a very pious queen. She would often visit the temple of Pashupati. Once she saw there a holy Brahmin named Nityānanda Brahmacārī. He came from Mahāraṣṭra in the Deccan. The queen thought fit in every respect to conduct the daily service of the Lord. So he was appointed the chief priest of Pashupatinath temple. Nityānanda was versed in all śastra and the rituals. With the beneficent desire of service to the King, he found out the reason why the Kings of Lalitpur died prematurely. It was because the evil eyes of Aghoramūrti of Pashupatinath had fallen directly on them. In order to avert the curse of evil eye, the learned servant caused to be installed in the front part the idol of Unmatta Bhairav in the most stark nudity exposing the pro-creative organ in its most prominent form.

From the date of the installation of the idol, it has avoided all evils suffered in the form of illness or distemper to local children from the wrath of Hārati of Swayambhū. The trouble of children living outside were also cured by the worship and prayer of Unmatta Bhairav. His proto-types bearing the same name are to be found at Gyaneswar and elsewhere. The idol of Unmatta Bhairav being the protecting deity of children, he is worshiped by the people, whenever their children are take severely ill and when other sophisticated medicines prove unavailing and ineffective.

[Reprint from: The Rising Nepal (English daily, Supplement, Friday), August 29, 1975, p. I]

Salyankoti Devi


- Bhimsen Thapaliya

The hilltop offers almost a bird’s eye view of the serpentine Netrawati River in the east meandering through the fertile Salyanbesi farmlands. Turn west and you can see the Salyantar, an elevated flatland squeezed between the Budhi Gandaki and Netrawati rivers. To the north stands the imposing Ganga Jamuna hill with famed waterfall that cures your rabies. On a clear day, this sacred hilltop offers the glance of neighbouring holy places including Gorakhnath, Maidi Kot, Jwala Mukhi, Dhuwakot and Jaleswari. You are standing on top of Salyankot in north-western Dhading where the goddess Tripura Sundari resides.

The goddess, also known as Salyankoti Devi and Mai Bhagawati, blesses her devotees with immense power. If you are devotional enough, she will appear in your dream and ask you to express your wishes. She is one of the power goddesses and her blessing will enable you to fulfil your dreams, so goes the folk belief. She is said to assume changing forms, mostly fearsome, and so directly seeing her is strictly forbidden.

She has such a strong halo about her that even the kings were forbidden to have a look. Even the local Rana Magar priests who conduct the daily worships and management of the temple core, avoid taking a direct glance of the goddess, lest the blinding radiation affect their eyes.

During his Nepal unification campaign 238 years ago, Gorkha’s King Prithvi Narayan Shah had heard about the unusual fame of the goddess. She was renowned as a goddess who blessed true devotees with the power to accomplish big plans and projects. The architect of modern Nepal visited the temple and expressed his wish to see the goddess and offer prayers and worships. But the priest politely said that nobody was allowed to enter the main chamber where the goddess lived.

"I asked if I could see the goddess and offer prayers. They said only the priests and caretakers are allowed to go in. I asked if I could offer prayers at the door. That they allowed me to do," the king said in the Dibyopadesha, a compilation of oral counsels issued by the king at the final stage of his life. As his daily prayers progressed, the king had a dream one night. A young girl, wearing a veil and holding two daggers, appeared and the king asked who she was. She said she was the daughter of the Rana Magar priest. Before she vanished, she offered both the daggers to the king announcing that his dreams would be fulfilled.

As the king consulted his advisors next morning, they said that the girl appearing in his dream was the goddess herself. The dream appearance and the dagger blessing is said to have empowered the king to accomplish his unification mission toward east from this point.

The local people recount a tale about a king who insisted to have a look of the goddess despite the advice not to do so. He had to regret later as he lost his eyesight before he was able to have a look at her. Nobody except the priests is allowed to touch the goddess. If she is not worshipped with due respect and procedure, she may turn into a tiger or a serpent and cause trouble to the local people.

In his research based book "Salyankot Deviko Samchhipta Parichaya", author Sisir Sharma quotes senior citizens of the locality about the origin of the goddess. The goddess had identified herself to King Prithvi Narayan Shah as the daughter of Rana Magar priest during his dream. Folk tales about the origin of the goddess indicate that she had close family bond with the Rana Magars. According to the tales quoted by Sharma, she was rescued from a steep cliff nearby and established and worshipped in the house of a Rana Magar.

The goddess appeared in the dream of a Rana Magar and urged him to rescue her from the difficult abode amidst the cliff hole. Next day, the cliff hole was searched and her idol was found. The local people decided to establish her temple at Belung about five kilometres north of Salyankot but the goddess disappeared. The Rana Magar had a dream again and the goddess said she wanted to live at his home than anywhere else. The temple of the goddess is built like ordinary residential houses rather than the commonly used temple designs. An elderly local man said that such a temple was designed according to the wish of the goddess.

There are three different temples of the goddess, all of which were designed like residential houses. Two of the temples are located on the Salyankot hilltop while one is down in the Salyanbesi valley on the bank of the Netrawati River. However, the third temple was recently reconstructed in the Pagoda style.

The hilltop temple on the eastern side is known as Dashain Ghar where the goddess is worshipped for 15 days during the Bada Dashain (September-October) and for one day on Chaite Dashain (April) festival. Most of the time, the goddess lives in the western hilltop temple while she spends about four months in the riverside temple in the valley.

When the goddess moves from the hilltop shrine to the riverside temple around the middle of November, a grand festival is organised every year. The festival, known as Maithan Jatra or Nwagi Jatra, is the auspicious event to eat new rice of the year. Astrologers and scholars fix the date of this ceremony on the day of Vijay Dashami but it is kept a secret till the day of Bhai Tika. When the date is flashed, the information spreads far and wide. Most of the devotees come from neighbouring districts Gorkha, Nuwakot, Chitwan, Makwanpur, Rasuwa and Kathmandu.

Night-long worships and lighting of holy lamps takes place in the hilltop temple. The journey of the goddess starts at dawn next morning. For an able bodied person, the downhill trip to the riverside temple is a walk of about an hour. But the Jatra procession passes so slowly that it takes four hours. A Rana Magar priest carries the goddess covered by saffron cloth on his back and moves very slowly. Nobody except the priest can touch the goddess. So security cordons are formed throughout the journey to make sure the bystanders do not come too close.

As the goddess carrying the priest passes along, Jatra visitors greet the goddess by offering coins, rice grains and flowers at her. The sound of bells, playing of ritual instruments, hymn singing, smell of incense and large crowd eagerly waiting on the roadside creates a unique atmosphere when the goddess descends to the Salyanbesi valley known for its fertile paddy farmlands. After the goddess arrives in the valley temple, she is offered the new rice mixed with yoghourt and bananas. The new rice is served to the visitors as prasad. When the sun sets, another night-long celebrations start in the Maithan rice field. Women devotees stay awake throughout the night lighting oil-fed lamps dedicated to the goddess. People sing, dance and decorate the temple with long flower garlands. The whole Jatra is a two-nights-one-day event.

Dhading district headquarters Dhadingbesi is approximately 88 kilometres from Kathmandu. From Dhadingbesi, a 29-km gravelled road runs up to Tari Besi on the bank of Netrawati River. At this point, you are very close to the Budhi Gandaki river in the west which acts as borderline between Dhading and Gorkha districts. But instead of heading west, you turn north along the road running through Salyanbesi valley. Five kilometres north from Tari Besi, you are at Ganesh Khola. From Ganesthan, it is an arduous uphill trek of two to three hours before you arrive at the hilltop temple of goddess Tripura Sundari.

[Reprint from: The Rising Nepal (National English Daily, Friday supplement), April 1, 2011, p. I]

Ranipokhari – a historical glimpse


- Prem Khatry

Like all the prominent and unforgettable constructive works of King Pratap Malla the Ranipokhari has a great historical importance. Evidences have it that King had dug it in 1670 A.D. And even after three hundred years one remembers the famous Malla King of seventeenth century. It is now an object of glory not only for the Kathmandu Valley alone but for the whole country as it has become itself a history of the seventeenth century.

One legend has it that when Pratap Malla declared his son Chakravartindra Malla as King in NS 789 (1669 AD) a grand ceremony was observed to solemnize the occasion on which the child King was taken out in procession to have a look of the Gods and his people. But the elephant bearing the new king ran suddenly wild thereby causing the death of Chakravartindra Malla. King Pratap Malla was naturally shocked. The King dug the tank to console his consort, the mother of Chakravartindra Malla. The tank was so named because the lamentation of the Queen at the death of her beloved son was responsible for the construction of the tank.

The above-mentioned version of the local legend tallies with the contents of the King’s Ranipokhari inscription of 790 NS (1670 AD). It also mentions that the tank was to be dedicated to the Prince Chakravartindra, whose untimely death brought extreme agony to his mother. The inscription also tells us that the king, after having consulted the śāstras fetched holy water from many holy places of Nepal and India (ref. Sanskrit Sandesh, Vol. I) and caused the formation of that small and fine tank which is a place of interest even today. Besides, when completed, the tank was to provide a useful facility to the dwellers of the city besides presiding for paying oblation of Gods and Goddesses as well as their ancestors.

There are in that inscription few more noteworthy expressions which need out attention. Nobody was to commit suicide by drowning in the holy water. The witnesses for the inscribed document art the Sun, the Moon, Fire, the Earth, the Water, the Sky, the Air, the Soul, Day and Night, the Evening, five Brahmans (Pancha-Brahmana), five Pradhanas (Pancha-Pradhana), five Khasas, and five Magras. These last two ethnic groups appear for th first time in any Malla inscriptions so far I knew and indicate that they also formed the population of King Pratap Malla.

Let us turn to the naming of the tank. Our old documents, however, do not mention the name Ranipokhari for this tank, nor have they associated any Queen’s name with it. The inscription referred to above and few others mention the names of the King Pratap Malla and his son Chakravertindra. Below are some views mentioned in some old documents:-

(1) Daniel Wright’s Vamsavali mentions that King Pratap Malla had constructed the tank for the consolation of the Queen. He says- “The deceased son’s mother was inconsolable for the loss of her youngest born, the Raja, to console her caused a tank to be dug.” (p. 133).

(2) Sylvain Levi in his ‘Le Nepal’ (Vol. II) tells that the King had dug the tank to honour his Queen. He, however, omits the name and story which is repeated mentioned above.

(3) Bhasa Vamsavali (p. 89) records that the King made this tank filled with the water of holy places and named it “Nāga Talāo” (The serpent’s tank). Later, it continues, Queen Bhuvanlakshmi added to it. Thereafter it was named Ranipokhari.

Thus the sources are of divergent views. It is clear, however, that it did not have the name ‘Ranipokhari’ at the beginning as it was dedicated to the child King. But the name ‘Nāga talāo’ of Bhasa Vamsavali also seems not to have been in use. The association of Bhuvanlaksmi’s name with this tank also is only in this Vamsavali. Talking all these evidences into account it appear that the story of Chakravartindra Malla’s death and the Queen’s lamentation made the people of later days the tank as ‘Queen’s Tank’ (Ranipokhari) and the same term was handed down to posterity.

The names of the Tirtha’s (holy places) mentioned in the Ranipokhari Stale of 790 (1670 Oct.) art fifty in total. Of them eight are from India, thirty-one from the Kathmandu Valley itself and twelve from outside the Valley. The King himself says so and expresses his desire that the tank was to exact the highest regard so far as it sanctity was concerned. Thus he added water from holiest places of both India and Nepal to fill the tank. Because of the sanctity of the tank nobody could do any harm resulting in tis damage, whatsoever. The writer of the inscriptions is Shri Krishna Mishra.

As regards the maintenance of the tank it is believed that the King had made an arrangement of an outlet for dirty water to be drained out and it was kept neat and clean. But things have changed a lot now and three hundred years’ long period has cruelly impeded the fate of this historical tank. Now it exists and wears of course, new robes outwardly but its inside glory and its beauty have not been properly increased if not impaired. Besides the tank itself there are other temples and images in and outside or around it. These historical monuments further enhance the religious importance of the tank and beautify it.

[Reprint from: The Rising Nepal (English daily, Friday supplement) August 29, 1975, p. II]

Monday, June 18, 2012

विघटनले वास्तवमा जनजीवन सामान्य


  •  दयाराम श्रेष्ठ, लुभू
संविधान सभाको विघटनबाट आम नेपाली नागरिक बास्तवमा खुशी नै छन् । तर संविधान नबनेकोमा असन्तोष भने पक्कै भएको छ । यदि संविधान बनेको भए जस्तो सुकै अप्ठ्यारो परिस्थिति श्रृजना भएको भए पनि सम्हाल्न सकिने अवस्था हुन्थ्यो ।
संविधान सभाको विघटनवाट तत्कालै राजनीतिक रुपमा भन्दा पनि नेपाली जनताको जनजीवनमा सकारात्मक असर परेको देखिन्छ । लगातार रुपमा विभिन्न राजनीतिक, जातीय, क्षेत्रीय रुपमा जनताको हितको लागि भनिएका तर वास्तविक रुपमा जनबिरोधी हुने गरेका बन्द, हड्ताल र चक्काजाम जस्ता कार्यक्रमबाट आजित भएको अवस्थावाट अस्थायी रुपमा भएपनि विघटन पश्चात सो कार्य नभएर जनताले चैनको शास फेर्न पाइरहेका छन । जनजीवन सामान्य भएको छ । त्यस्तै राजनीतिक रुपमा जनता सँग निश्चित समय भित्र पुरा गर्छु भनेर प्रतिबद्धता गरेर जिम्मा लिएमा सो पुरा गर्छ भनेर आम जनताले विश्वास गरेका थिए । तर यो आत्मविश्वासमा तुषारापात गरेर झन सामूहिक रुपमा एका तर्फ निर्वाचित जनप्रतिनिधिलाई अनिर्णयको बन्दी बनाएर विभिन्न धारबाट श्रृजित अनि मूल धारका उच्च पदस्थ शक्ति हातमा लिएका केही राष्टिय तथा अन्तराष्टिय स्तरका नेताहरुको समूहले पनि अर्को तर्फ सो शक्तिको दुरुपयोग गरि सपना तहश गर्ने सबै पक्षको अवसानवाट मनोबैज्ञानिक रुपमा जनता खुशी छन् यद्यपि संविधान नबनेकोमा चिन्ता भएको भएपनि ती सबै प्रकारका शक्तिहरुको सामूहिक अवसानवाट खुशीको रेखा सर्वसाधारणको अनुहारमा बास्तविक रुपमा देखिएको छ ।
यदि संविधान बनेको भए पनि त कि त जनाजतिको कारणले, कि त क्षेत्रीयताको कारणले, कि त संघियताको विरोधिको कारणले कि त ब्राम्हण क्षेत्री, दशनामीलगायतको कारणले अशान्ति भई सामान्य जनजीवनमा असर पर्ने लक्षण नै देखिएको हो । यसमा एनेकपा (माओवादी), नेपाली काँग्रेश र नेकपा(एमाले)मा बिचारधारात्मक रुपमा देखिएको दुइ खेमा अनि मधेश केन्द्रीत दलहरुमा झन धेरै खेमा भएको विचारवाट नै स्पष्ट भइसकेको थियो । तर जनता भने संविधान घोषणा भएको भए यी झमेला भोग्न तयार भने नभएको होइन यदि सो भएको खण्डमा पनि मूल उद्देश्यको रुपमा रहेको संविधान बनेको कारणले अन्य शक्तिहरुले पनि काबुमा ल्याउन सक्ने परिस्थिति श्रृजना हुने थियो । तर यस्तो भइदिएन जसले गर्दा यी माथि भनिएका शक्तिशाली नेताहरु र दलहरुको कारणले गर्दा कसैले नसोचेको भिन्दै परिस्थिति श्रृजना भयो ।
समयले कोल्टो फेरिदैछ यस्तो परिस्थितिमा छ भन्दैमा कसैलाई समयले पर्खनेवाला छैन । आफ्नो जानकारीमा छैन भन्दैमा आफुले गरेका काम कारवाही बिशेष गरेर सामाजिक कार्य वा अन्य कुनै सार्वजनिक कार्यहरुको विश्लेषण सकारात्मक हो वा नकारात्मक हो भन्न वास्तवमा नै कठिन हुन्छ । त्यसैले राजनीतिक पार्टिहरुले गएको जनआन्दोलन यता गरेका सवै प्रकारका कार्यहरुको मूल्यांकन सवै पक्षवाट राष्ट्रिय अन्तराष्ट्रिय रुपमा गरिएको हुन्छ जुन सवैले सवैको जानकारी भएको हुंदैन । विशेष रुपमा भन्नुपर्दा हालै संविधान सभाको म्याद सकिन लाग्दा गरेका जतिपनि क्रियाकलापहरु राजनीतिक नेता, पार्टि र अन्य राष्ट्रिय व्यक्तित्वहरुले गरेका छन् त्यसको बारेमा सुक्ष्म, गहन र संवेदनशील रुपमा संवेदनशील निकायहरु लगायत अन्य नेपालको हित अहित चाहने सबै प्रकारका पक्षहरुले तीब्रताका साथ गरि राखेको छ । विद्यमान शक्ति सन्तुलन भत्कने अवस्था वा भत्किसकेको अवस्था र कुनै अग्रगामी शक्तिको उदय नभइ सकेको अवस्थामा सो स्थान प्राप्त गर्नलाई विविध क्रियाकलापहरु प्रत्यक्ष रुपमा सुस्त अप्रत्यक्ष रुपमा तीब्र रुपमा भइरहेको केही सीमित व्यक्ति वा समूहहरुलाई मात्र जानकारीमा छ । यस्तो अवस्थामा विद्यमान पूवृ शक्ति पुरानो बोटल फेर्ने र नयाँ बोटल बनाउनेहरु जो ज्यादै लोकप्रिय बन्न पुगेकाहरुले सचेत हुनु जरुरी छ कि तुरुन्त शक्ति सन्तुलन गर्न सकेन भने पर्खेर वस्नेवाला कोही छैन हो नयाँ शक्ति उदय हुन केही समय अवश्य लाग्छ तर कुनै अप्रत्याशीत विश्वका महाशक्तिहरुमध्ये कुनैको एक वा सामूहिक एवं अप्रत्यक्ष प्रयासवाट आकस्मिक शक्ति उदय हुन गएमा त्यो जस्तो देश र जनताको लागि दुर्भाग्य अरु कुनै हुन सक्तैन । जसले गर्दा नेपाली जनताले युगौं देखि अनुभव गर्न नपरेको दाशतालाइ नमज्जाले स्वीकार्न वाद्य गराउने सयन्त्रको तानाबाना बुनेको हुन्छ ।
यसकारण एकमात्र विकल्पको रुपमा देखिएको सूत्र भनेको नयाँ निर्वाचनको घोषणा गरेर जनप्रतिनिधि मार्फत संविधान बनाउने बाँकि कार्य पुरा गर्न र सत्ता सञ्चालन गर्नु अत्यन्त जरुरी भएको छ । त्यसैले धेरै नै पातलिएर तरल मात्र नभइ झोल नै भएको राजनीतिक अवस्था भएको यस समयमा सुझबुझ देखाउने शुभ अवसर पनि आएको छ । ढिला नगरिकन तुरुन्तै सर्वदलिय सर्वपक्षिय कार्यपालिकाको रुपमा देश सञ्चालन समिति गठन गरेर कस्ले नेतृत्व गर्ने भनि कुनै प्रकारको विवाद नगरिकन व्यक्ति, जाति, समूह, पार्टि र विचारको स्वार्थ नभनिकन नेपालको अस्तित्व रक्षा गर्न, नेपाली जनताको शान्ति सुव्यवस्था रक्षा गर्न र एकमात्र नेपाल राष्ट्रको स्वार्थको खातिर काम गर्न म व्यक्तिको भित्रै ह्ृदय देखि नै आव्ह्वान गर्दछु । लाग्छ यो आम नेपाली जनताको पनि आव्ह्वान हो ।

Friday, June 8, 2012

जहाँ नियम पुर्यानउन भ्रष्टाचार हुन्छ


बसन्त महर्जन


राज्य संयन्त्रले आर्थिक भ्रष्टाचारका घटनाहरू निर्मूल गर्न भनेर जतिसुकै आदर्शका कुराहरू गरे पनि र कारवाहीको तत्परता देखाए पनि उनैले बनाएका नीति निर्देशनहरू भ्रष्टाचारका लागि मलिलो ठाउँ बनेका छन्। ऐन तथा आर्थिक नीतिहरू नै भ्रष्टाचार गर्न सिकाउने र त्यसप्रति प्रेरित गर्ने माध्यम बनेका छन्। नियमले नदिंदा नदिंदै पनि भ्रष्टाचार गर्न पल्केकाहरू नियमसंगत नै भ्रष्टाचार गर्न पाए पछि कसरी छालान्? प्रश्न स्वाभाविक छ।

सामान्यतः नीति नियम भ्रष्टाचार रोक्न र सरकारी कामलाई व्यवस्थित गर्न बनेका हुन्छन्। तर नेपाल त्यस्तो मुलुक हो, जहाँ लेखा अधिकृतहरूले नीतिनिमय पालना गर्नकै लागि पनि भ्रष्टाचार गर्नुपर्छ। कागजमा हिसाब मिल्यो कि समस्या समाधान भएको ठान्ने प्रवृत्ति व्यापक बन्दै गएको छ। आवश्यक सामानको खरीद गरेवापत भुक्तानीका लागि बिल अनिवार्य पेश गर्नुपर्ने नियम छ। तर नेपालमा सबै ठाउँमा सामान खरिदपछि बिल दिने चलन छैन। यो कुरा लेखापाल तथा लेखा अधिकृतहरू सबैलाई थाहा भएकै कुरा हो। हिसाब मिलानका लागि त्यस्तो अवस्थामा लेखापाल वा लेखा अधिकृतहरू सम्बन्धित कर्मचारी वा कामदारलाई झन्झटमा फसाइदिने, दुःख दिने वा काममा ढिलाई गरिदिने गर्दछन्। यदि हेप्न नसक्ने वा आफ्नो मान्छे पर्योन भने कुने एउटा नक्कली बील बनाएर पेश गर्न उनीहरू आफै सल्लाह दिन्छन् र हिसाव मिलान भइहाल्छन्। काममा घटीबढीको हिसाव मिलाउने काइदा भनेकै नक्कली बील हुने गर्दछ। नक्कली बिल बनाउन सिकाउने नै भ्रष्टाचारको शिक्षा हो।

अध्ययन अनुसन्धान कार्य नीति निर्माणमा सहयोग पुर्यालउने उद्देश्य नभई अर्के कुराले प्रेरित भएर यस शिर्षकमा खर्च गर्ने प्रवृत्ति छ। अध्ययन अनुसन्धानमा आफ्नो संस्थाले यतिउति खर्च गरेको छ भनेर देखाउन पाउँदा सम्बन्धित अधिकारी आफू पनि अध्ययन अनुसन्धानको महत्व बुझ्ने र यस क्षेत्रमा 'योगदान' गरेका भन्ठान्छन्। काठमाडौं महानगरलगायत दुई उपमहानगर र देशभरका अरू नगरपालिका तथा गाविसहरू आफ्नो क्षेत्रभित्रको अध्ययन अनुसन्धान गराउने भनेर बजेट बनाउँछन्। अध्ययन अनुसन्धान गराउने नाममा बजेट खर्च गर्नेहरूमा संभवतः यी नगरपालिकाहरू अग्रपङ्तिमा पर्दछन्। यस्ता अनुसन्धान कार्यहरू अनुसन्धातालाई नभई राजनैतिक पार्टीका कार्यकर्ता र सोही निकायका कर्मचारी र उनका आफन्तकहाँ पुग्छ। अचम्म त के भने उनीहरू जुन विषयमा अनुसन्धान गर्ने भनेर पैसा लिन्छन्, त्यस पैसाले सम्बन्धित विषयका पुस्तकसम्म किन्दैनन्। किनीहाले पनि सही ढङ्गले प्रयोग हुँदैन।

अध्ययन अनुसन्धान पूर्व कार्यमा थप कार्य हो तर अचेल 'फेशन' जस्तै भएको छ। अनुसन्धानका नाममा हुने खर्च धेरै जसो 'पुनरावृत्ति', 'नक्कली' र 'चोरी' हुने गरेको छ। अध्ययन अनुसन्धानमा पुनरावृत्ति नहोस् भन्ने हेतुले प्रस्तावना लेखनमा नै पूर्वप्रयासको समीक्षा हुनुपर्छ, जुन ठ्याम्मै हुँदैन। यस अर्थमा ती अनुसन्धानका काम सुरुमै चिप्लिसकेका हुन्छन्। नगरपालिकाहरूले गरेका अध्ययन अनुसन्धानको नै 'अनुसन्धान' गर्ने हो भने निकै रमाइला घटना निस्कछन्। एउटै मन्दिर वा अन्य सम्पदाहरूको पटकपटक अनुसन्धान भइरहेको छ तर ती अघिल्लो अनुसन्धानको प्रतिलिपिभन्दा फरक हुँदैनन्। तर अघिल्ला अनुसन्धान रिपोर्ट पछिल्लो अनुसन्धानअघि नै त्यहाँबाट हराइसक्छ। यो पनि भ्रष्टाचार नै हो। यसअघिको भ्रष्टाचार अझ रोचक हुन्छन्। अनुसन्धान गर्नेले जसको नक्कल गरेका हुन्, उसलाई थाहू हुँदैन, जसले नक्कल गरेको हो उसले कसको नक्कल गर्दै छु भनेर। काठमाडौं महानगरले हनुमानढोका दरबार क्षेत्रका सम्पदाहरूको लगत तयार पार्न विभिन्न समयमा विभिन्न व्यक्तिलाई 'अवसर' दिएको छ। साधारणतः हनुसन्धान भनेका पुस्तकका रुपमा प्रकाशित गर्न र त्यसलाई सम्वन्धित विज्ञ वा साधारण पाठकलाई पढाउन हो। तर आफ्ना रिपोर्ट महानगरलगायत कसैले पनि गरेको पाइँदैन। प्रकाशनतिर ध्यान नदिएकै कारणले पनि एउटै अनुसन्धान पटकपटक हुने गरेका छन्। हनुमानढोका दरवार क्षेत्रको सम्पदाको लगत विवरणहरू प्रायसः मनबज्र बज्राचार्यद्वारा लिखित पुस्तक 'हनुमानढोका दरवार'बाट हुबहु सारिएका हुन्छन्। केही समयअघि यस लेखक समक्ष पनि हनुमानढोका दरवार क्षेत्रका सम्पदाहरूको लगत तयार पार्न भनेर एउटा प्रस्ताव आएको थियो। प्रस्ताव लिएर आउने व्यक्ति महानगर पालिकासम्वद्ध व्यक्ति त थिएनन् तर कर्मचारीसँग उसको घनिष्ट सम्वन्ध भने थियो। संयोजक, सल्लाहकार वा यस्तै कुनै पद सिर्जना गरेर त्यस अनुसन्धान कार्यमा प्रस्तावक व्यक्ति पनि संलग्न हुने रहेछन्। इतिहास, संस्कृति तथा पुरातत्व कुनै पनि विषयसँग सम्वद्ध नै भएका तर व्यक्तिगत चिनाजान र 'लटरपटर' जान्ने भएकै कारणले पनि त्यस्ता व्यक्तिहरू यस क्षेत्रमा संलग्न हुने गर्दछन्। तर त्यसका लागि बजेट सीमित मात्र रहेछ। हनुमानढोका दरवार क्षेत्रको अध्ययन अनुसन्धान त आवश्यक कुरा हो नै। यसका सम्वन्धमा जति पनि काम भएका छन् त्यो निकै थोरै मात्र हो। मनबज्र बज्राचार्यको अनुसन्धानमा नै पनि केही गल्ती रहेको पाइन्छ र थप अनुसन्धान गर्नु पर्दछ। तर विगतका अनुसन्धानहरू मनबज्रबाट अगाडि बढ्न नसकेको मात्र होइन कि एक पछि अर्को पुनरावृत्ति मात्र भइराखेको थियो। थप अनुसन्धान गर्न उक्त बजेट अपुग भएकोले स्वीकार्न सकिएन, संभवतः अरु नै कसैले सो काम पाएको छ।

अनुसन्धानका नाममा हुने गरेको भ्रष्टाचारको एउटा अर्को नमूना नेपाल पर्यटन बोर्डबाट लिन सकिन्छ। बोर्डले कीर्तिपुरको कला तथा सम्पदाहरूको विषयमा त्रिभुवन विश्वविद्यालयका एक आंशिक प्राध्यापकलाई अनुसन्धान गर्न लगाएको थियो। सो अनुसन्धान प्रतिवेदनमाथि नै अनुसन्धान गर्ने हो भने पनि भ्रष्टाचार ठम्याउन सकिन्छ। कीर्तिपुरका सम्वन्धमा विभिन्न पक्षमा अध्ययन अनुसन्धान भई दर्जनौ पुस्तकहरू र सयौं उत्कृष्ट अनुसन्धानात्मक लेखहरू प्रकाशित भइसकेको अवस्थामा नेपाल पर्यटन बोर्डले त्यस्तो निम्न स्तरको अनुसन्धान किन गर्न लगायो भन्ने प्रश्न उठ्छ। अरु त अरु त्यस अनुसन्धान रिपोर्टमा सन्दर्भ सामग्रीसम्म पनि सही ढङ्गले दिन सकेको छैन। सन्दर्भ सामग्रीमा उल्लेख भएको शुक्रसागर श्रेष्ठद्वारा लिखित पुस्तक ''कीर्तिपुरको साँस्कृतिक तथा पुरातात्विक अध्ययन'' को नकल मात्रै गरेर प्रतिवेदन तयार पारेको भएपनि केही काम देखिने थियो। रोचक कुरा त श्रेष्ठले सो पुस्तक जम्मा तीस हजारको धनबज्र विद्वत्वृत्तिमा तयार पारेका थिए भने उल्लेखित अनुसन्धान रिपोर्टका लागि नेपाल पर्यटन बोर्डले दुई लाख रुपैया खर्चेको थियो। कीर्तिपुरकै अनुसन्धानका सम्वन्धमा अर्को रोचक कुरा के रहेको छ भने, यही विषयवस्तुमा कीर्तिपुर नगरपालिकाले स्थानिय राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ताहरूलाई आजभोलि लगाइराखेका छन्।
सम्वन्धित ज्ञानको अभावमा पनि थुप्रै मात्रामा भ्रष्टाचार हुने गर्दछ। यस लेखको थालनीमा चर्चा गरिएका दुई घटनाबाट पनि यस कुराको पुष्टि हुन्छ। थालनीमा उल्लेख गरिएका दुई घटनामा दोषी वा कमजोरी लेखासम्वद्ध व्यक्तिमा देखियो तर अनुसन्धानकर्ताहरू मात्रै चोखा भन्ने होइन। अनुसन्धानकर्ताहरू मात्रै पनि कम भ्रष्टाचारी हुँदैनन्। नेपालमा इतिहास, संस्कृति जस्ता कुरामा लाग्नेहरू सच्चा, इमानदार र विद्वान हुन्छन् भन्ने छवी विद्यालयबाटै दिने गरिन्छ र यो छवी बनेको छ पनि। इतिहासकार बाबुराम आचार्यलगायत केही सच्चा व्यक्तित्वहरूको आदर्श देखाउन विद्यालयको पाठ्यक्रममा राखिएका जीवनीहरूकै प्रभावमा त्यो छवी बनेको हो। तर त्यही छवी ओढेर आर्थिक तथा नैतिक भ्रष्टाचार गर्नेहरू मौलाइरहेका छन्। ती भ्रष्टाचारीहरूको सूचीमा कोही विश्वविद्यालयका प्राध्यापक छन् त कोही राष्ट्रिय व्यक्तित्वका रुपमा चिनिएका छन्। कोही यस्तै निकायका ठूल्ठूला पदमा पुगी हाल अवकास पाइसकेका छन् त कोही बहालवाला नै पनि छन्। यी व्यक्तित्वहरूमाथि कमै मात्र शंका गरिन्छ। केही समयअघि यो पंक्तिकारले नेपाल तथा एशियाली अनुसन्धान केन्द्र (सिनास), त्रिभुवन विश्वविद्यालयबाट यस क्षेत्रमा नाम कहलिएका विभिन्न विद्वानहरूद्वारा सम्पन्न गराइएका अनुसन्धान कार्यहरूको रिपोर्ट हेर्ने अवसर पाएको थियो। सिनास कै पैसा खर्चेर गरिएका ती अनुसन्धानकार्यहरू सिनासकै स्वामित्वमा हुनु पर्ने हो तर ती अनुसन्धान रिपोर्ट अन्यत्र पनि बुझाएर ती संस्थाको लागि पनि अनुसन्धान गरेको भनेर दोहोरो पारिश्रमिक हात पारेको देखियो। सिनासको खर्चमा भएको अनुसन्धान अन्य अनुसन्धानकेन्द्रहरूको दराजमा पनि देखिनु र पुस्तककै रुपमा पनि प्रकाशित हुनुबाट यो कुरा खुल्दछ। सिनासमै पनि रिकर्डहरू चुस्तदुरुस्त नहुनाले ती अनुसन्धानहरू कुन सालमा गरिएको भन्ने खुल्दैन र विद्वानहरूले कताको रिपोर्ट कता बुझायो भन्न गार्हो। छ। कतिपय अनुसन्धानका रिपोर्टहरू हराएको पनि पाइन्छ। अनुसन्धान कार्यका रिपोर्टहरू हराउने घटनाहरू त्यहाँ कम रोचक पनि छैनन्। सिनासबाट अनुसन्धान कार्य सकाएर सोको रिपोर्ट बुझाइवरी पारिश्रमिक पनि लिएर पछि सो संस्थाको कर्मचारीको सहयोगमा सो रिपोर्ट गायव पारी उल्टो सिनासले रिपोर्ट नै हराइदियो भन्ने हल्ला फिजाउँदै हिड्ने इतिहासकार पनि छन्। तत्कालिन नेपाल राजकीय प्रज्ञाप्रतिष्ठानको अनुसन्धान परियोजनाबाट निस्केका भनिएका पुस्तकहरूमध्ये कतिपय पुस्तकका केही भाग वा पूरै सिनासको आफ्नै अनुसन्धान कार्यका रुपमा दराजमा थन्किएर रहेका छन् भने कतिपय रिपोर्ट अन्यत्र होलान्।

इतिहास, संस्कृति तथा पुरातत्वसम्वन्धी अनुसन्धान गर्ने संस्थाहरूमा तत्कालिन नेपाल राजकीय प्रज्ञाप्रतिष्ठान, पुरातत्व विभाग, नेपाल र एशियाली अनुसन्धान केन्द्र (सिनास, त्रिवि), विश्वविद्यालय अनुसन्धान आयोग, राष्ट्रिय जनजाति प्रतिष्ठान, नगरपालिकाहरू, तथा विभिन्न राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तराष्ट्रिय गैरसरकारी संस्थाहरू छन्। यी अनुसन्धान केन्द्रहरूले गरेका कामहरूको मात्रै एक मुष्ट अनुसन्धान गर्ने हो भने पनि डुप्लिकेशन, ओभरल्यापिङ तथा फट्याईहरू प्रसस्त मात्रामा भेटाउन सकिन्छ। एक ठाउँबाट अनुसन्धान कार्य गरी पारिश्रमिक लिई अन्यत्र पनि बुझाएर दोहोरो पारिश्रमिक लिनेहरूको भएको ठाउँमा बौद्धिक इमानदारिताको कुरा गर्नुको अर्थ नै देखिन्न। एउटै अनुसन्धान कार्य एउटै संस्था अनेकौ पल्ट बुझाएको घटनामाथि काठमाडौं महानगर पालिकाको प्रसंगमा उल्लेख भएजस्तै त्रिभुवन विश्वविद्यालयमा एउटै व्यक्तिले एउटै अनुसन्धानकार्य दुई पल्ट बुझाएको घटना यस लेखकले फेला पारेको छ। विश्वविद्यालय अनुसन्धान आयोगको खर्चमा नेपालको एउटा ऐतिहासिक तथा पुरातात्विक क्षेत्रको अनुसन्धान गरी नेपाली भाषामा तयार पारेको सो रिपोर्टलाई पछि विद्यावारिधीका लागि अंग्रेजी भाषामा तयार पारेर शोधग्रन्थका रुपमा एउटा भारतीय विश्वविद्यालयमा प्रस्तुत गरेका थिए। विद्यावारिधीको शोधग्रन्थलाई परिमार्जन गरी पुस्तकको रुपमा प्रकाशित भइसकेको त्यो रिपोर्ट वा ग्रन्थ मौलिक रुपमा तयार पार्न (अर्थात् नेपाली भाषामा तयार पारी विश्वविद्यालय अनुसन्धान आयोगमा बुझाएको) पहिलो पल्ट विश्वविद्यालय अनुसन्धान आयोगबाट पारिश्रमिक पाएको थियो भने भारतको विश्वविद्यालयबाट विद्यावारिधी गराउन पनि स्थायी शिक्षक भएका कारण विश्वविद्यालयले नै खर्च गर्नु परेको थियो।

इतिहास तथा संस्कृतिको अनुसन्धान गराउनेहरूमा सम्वन्धित विषयको ज्ञानको कमीले गर्दा विद्वान भनाउँदाहरूबाटै कतिसम्मको भ्रष्टाचार हुने गरेको छ भन्ने चर्चापछि सोही ज्ञानले भ्रष्टाचार कसरी रोक्न सकिन्छ भन्ने कुराको एउटा दृष्टान्त पनि नभएको होइन। केही समयअघि मात्रै एउटा अनुसन्धान केन्द्रमा अनुसन्धानका लागि प्रस्तावहरू सार्वजनिक आव्हान गरिएको थियो। एउटा प्रस्ताव पत्र त्रिभुवन विश्वविद्यालयमा प्रध्यापनरत् महिला शिक्षकको नाममा प्रस्तुत भएको थियो। रमाइलो कुरा त के हो भने उक्त प्रस्ताव पत्रमा गर्ने भनिएको अनुसन्धानको काम उनी आफैले त्रिभुवन विश्वविद्यालयबाट विद्यावारिधीको शोधग्रन्थ तयार पार्ने क्रममा सम्पन्न गरिसकेको थियो। अप्रकाशित रुपमा रहेको शोधग्रन्थलाई फेरि अनुसन्धान कार्यको रुपमा प्रस्तुत गर्न लागिएको थियो। अनुसन्धान केन्द्रमा प्राप्त एउटा अर्को प्रस्ताव पत्र सोही व्यक्तिको छोराको नाममा थियो। रमाइलो कुरा त के रहेछ भने, छोराको नाममा आएको प्रस्तावपत्र उनी आफैले लेखेको त थिएनन् तर लोग्नेले लेखेको भन्ने कुरा प्रस्ताव पत्रमा प्रयुक्त भाषा शैलीबाट बुझियो। लोग्ने पनि त्रिभुवन विश्वविद्यालयअन्तर्गत कार्यरत् शिक्षक नै हुन्। यी जम्मै कुरा मूल्याङ्कन समितिका एक सदस्यले पत्ता लगाएको थियो। ती दुवै प्रस्ताव पत्र सुरुमै अस्वीकृत भएको थियो।

अनुसन्धानको प्रस्ताव पत्र अनुसार सम्वन्धित व्यक्तिले सो अनुसन्धान कार्य गर्न सक्छ कि सक्दैन भन्ने निर्क्यौल मूल्याङ्कन समितिले गर्ने हो। तर मूल्याङ्कन समितिमा सम्वन्धित ज्ञानको अभावमा पनि अनुसन्धान कार्य असम्बन्धित व्यक्तिको हातमा पर्न जाने गरेको घटना थुप्रै मात्रामा पाइन्छ।

विभिन्न राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संघसंस्थाहरूमा संलग्न केही परामर्शदाताहरू पनि एक प्रकारले भ्रष्टाचार नै गर्दछन्। नेपालको इतिहास, संस्कृति तथा सम्पदाहरूका सम्वन्धमा परामर्श दिनु पर्योस भने तिनीहरू आफैले वा आफ्नो अनुसन्धान केन्द्रबाट तयार पारेको भनी जुन रिपोर्ट पेश गर्दछन् त्यो स्थानिय वा नेपाली भाषामा प्रकाशित लेखरचना वा पुस्तकका केही अंश हुने गर्दछन्। यो फट्याई गर्नेहरू ज्यादाजसो अवकाश प्राप्त प्राध्यापक, उच्च पदका पदाधिकारीहरू तथा अनुसन्धानकर्ताका रुपमा ख्याती कमाइसकेकाहरू हुने गर्दछन्। यो समस्यालाई नयाँ बन्ने संविधान र राज्यको संरचनाले कसरी सम्बोधन गर्छ, चुनौती र जिज्ञासाको विषय बनेको छ।

Monday, June 4, 2012

नेवार महिला कहिल्यै विधवा हुन्नन्

  • बसन्त महर्जन 

समाजमा श्रीमानको मुत्युपछि महिला विधवा हुन्छे र बाँकी जीवन आफ्नै सामाजिक मान्यताअनुसार बेग्लै प्रकारले बिताउनु पर्छ । विधवाको अवधारणाले हिन्दू महिलाहरु बढी प्रताडीत भएको मानिन्छ तर हिन्दू नै भए पनि नेवार महिला कहिल्यै पनि विधवा हुँदैनन्, जीवन पर्यन्त सौभाग्यवती नै हुन्छन् भन्ने मान्यता पनि रहेको पाइन्छ, त्यो पनि हिन्दू मूल्य र मान्यताकै धरातलमा । आफ्नो समाजमा बाल विवाहलाई भित्रिन नदिन अपनाइएको एक संस्कारको फलस्वरुप यो मान्यताको विकास भएको हो । यो संस्कार ‘इही’ हो । 
 
नेपाली र भारतीय समाजमा विधवा जीवनलाई अभिसापको रुपमा लिइने प्रवृत्ति छ । विधवाले विवाह गर्नु हुँदैन भन्ने लगायतका मान्यताहरुका कारण नेपाल र भारतका लाखौं महिलाहरु अपहेलित, हीन मानसिकता, विकृत मनस्थितिबाट गुज्रेर नारकीय जीवन व्यतीत गरिरहेका हुन्छन् । विधवाजस्तो प्रचलन नारीमाथिको शोषणको रुपमा लिई विधवा विवाहलाई प्रोत्साहन दिनु पर्ने कुरामा जोड दिइन्छ । तर महिलाहरु कहिल्यै विधवा हुँदैनन् भन्ने मान्यता राख्ने नेवार समाजमा विधवा शब्दका लागि आफ्नो भाषामा शब्द पनि छैन । त्यसैले होला, इही संस्कारको प्रसंगमा स्वयम्भूलाल श्रेष्ठ यसलाई प्रगतिशील पाइला भनी प्रशंसा गर्छन् । इहीको प्रशंसा गर्दै उनी अनेकौं ऐन कानून बनाइसक्दा पनि ‘विधवा’को मान्यतालाई नष्ट गर्ने कानून नबन्नु तर नेवार समाजमा भने यस्तो मान्यता नै नहुनुलाई जातीय गौरवको रुपमा लिन्छन् ।

विवाहको अर्थमा ‘इहिपा’ शब्द आजभोलि प्रयुक्त भए पनि पुराना शब्दकोषहरुमा ‘इही’लाई पनि विवाहको अर्थमा नै लिएको पाइन्छ । बालिकाहरुलाई चारदेखि सात आठ वर्षको उमेरमा इही संस्कार सम्पन्न गरिएको हुन्छ । यो मूलतः बेलसँगको विवाह भएको मानिन्छ, जुन हिन्दू धर्मका भगवान विष्णुको प्रतीक हो । यही कारणले गर्दा नेवार महिलाको विवाह भगवान विष्णुसंग भइसकेकोले ऊ कहिल्यै विधवा हुँन्न भन्ने धारणा रहेको छ । भगवान विष्णु अमर हुन्छन् भन्ने मान्यता हिन्दूहरुको मान्यताले पनि यसलाई बल दिएको छ । कथाअनुसार पार्वतीले कुनै पनि नेपाली विधवा हुनु नपर्ने वरदान माग्दा स्वयं महादेवले विष्णुको प्रतीक बेलसँग विवाह गरेमा मात्र पनि विधवा हुनु पर्दैन भनी उपाय बताएका थिए । तर इहीलाई नबुझ्नेहरु नेवार महिलालाई साँच्चैको विवाहका बेलामा पहिल्यै विवाह भइसकेकी र पुरुषलाई अर्काकी स्वास्नी भनी खिसी गर्ने गरेको पनि पाइन्छ । समाजमा महिलाप्रति आउन लागेको समस्यालाई कसरी चातुर्यतापूर्वक निराकरण गरियो भन्ने ज्ञानलाई ठ्याम्मै नबुझ्ने प्रवृत्ति पनि देखिन्छ ।

इहीको विषयमा सरदार इकवाल अलि शाह लेख्छन्– ‘‘अकस्मात् नेवार महिलाहरुको श्रीमानको मृत्यु भएको खण्डमा प्राथमिक विवाह बेलसँग हुनुको महत्व देखिन आउँछ । यसले ऊ विधवा भएको छैन र पुनः विवाह गर्न हुन्छ भन्ने सूत्र देखाउँछ । बच्चा बेलामा नै बेलसँग विवाह भएकोले आफू विधवा नभएको भनी दाबी गर्छन् । नेपालमा नेवार समुदायमा मात्रै यो मान्यता पाइन्छ ।’’

समाजमा बाल विवाहको समस्या चर्को विषय हो । केही ग्रन्थमा रजश्वला नै नभएकी बालिका कन्यादान दिनु पर्छ र यस्तो गर्नाले आमाबाबुलाई धर्मलाभ हुन्छ भनी लेखिएकै भरमा बालविवाहको प्रचलन आएको मानिन्छ । यो मान्यता रहेको समाजमा साँच्चै कुनै वर खोजेर कन्यादान गर्ने चलन चल्यो तर नेवार समुदायमा बालविवाहको विकल्पको रुपमा गजबको इही संस्कारको विकास गरियो । डिल्लीरमण रेग्मीकाअनुसार नेवार समाजमा बालविवाह प्रथा छैन । उनी आफ्नो पुस्तक ‘एन्सियन्ट नेपाल’मा लेख्छन्– ‘‘तर तिनीहरुले आफ्नो महिलाई दैविक वा स्थायी पत्नीत्वको सिद्धान्तअनुरुप जीवनभर विधवा हुनु नपर्ने गरी जोगाएको छ ।’’
इहीको प्रचलन कहिले सुरु भयो भन्ने त्यस्तो कुनै प्रामाणिक लेखोट पाइएको छैन । नेवारभित्रै गोपालीलगायत केही उपसमुदायमा यो प्रथा पाइँदैन पनि । किन पाइँदैन भन्ने खोजीको विषय हो । तर आजभोलि अन्य नेवारहरुको देखासिखीमा उनीहरु पनि आफ्ना छोरीहरुको इही गराउँछन् ।

नेवार समाजमा दाम्पत्य जीवनको लागि गरिने विवाहको आफ्नै महत्व हुँदाहुँदै पनि पारपाचुकेको सजिलो बाटो पनि सामाजिक मान्यताअनुरुप नै छ र यसकोे अधिकार महिला वर्गमा निहित छ । यसअनुसार महिलाले लोग्नेलाई सुपारी फिर्ता गरेकै भरमा पारपाचुके भएको मानिन्छ । विवाहको बेला लोग्नेबाट पाएको सुपारी सरह नै मान्यता हुने बजारबाट किनिएका दुई चार वटा सुपारी फिर्ता गरेर पारपाचुके गर्ने कार्य लोग्ने जीवित छँदै मात्र नभएर मृत्यु शैयामा पुगेको, शवयात्रामा वा चितामा जल्दै गरेको अवस्थामा समेत संभव हुन्छ र यति भएपछि जुठो बार्नु पर्दैन । इहीकै आधारमा महिला एकल जीवन बिताउने वा अर्कोसँग विवाह गर्ने भन्ने पूर्ण स्वतन्त्र रहेको हुन्छ भन्ने साँस्कृतिक मान्यता रहेको छ ।

तर नेवार समाजमा आफ्नो मूल्य र मान्यताहरु बिर्सने बढ्दो क्रममा आजभोलि विधवाको मान्यता पाउन थालेको छ । महिलाहरु ‘आफू विधवा हुँ’ भनी श्वेतवस्त्र धारण गर्छन् र गैर नेवार सरह पुनः विवाह नगरी एकल, एकांकी र अपहेलित जीवन बिताउँ छन् । तर यसलाई नेवार समाजमा वाह्य प्रभावको रुपमा लिन सकिन्छ । परम्पराको नाउँमा इही त आजभोलि पनि अनिवार्य रुपमा गर्छ्न् तर अन्य समाजको देखासिखी वा प्रभावमा परेर विधवाको मान्यतालाई पनि हुल्न दिएको छ । अथवा यसरी पनि भन्न सकिन्छ– नयाँ पुस्तालाई इहीभित्रको गूढ रहस्य अचम्मको कुरा हुन थालेको छ । नेवार समाजभित्र हिन्दू र बौद्ध धर्मको प्रभाव पर्ने क्रममा आफ्ना मौलिकताहरु विर्सन थालियो वा अर्थ नबुझे पनि अवशेषको रुपमा निरन्तरता पाइरहेकै छ । सहज, सरल र आदिवासी जीवन शैलीको नेवार समाज बाह्य प्रभाव बढ्दै गएपछि बाल विवाह र विधवाको मान्यतालाई भित्रिन नदिन चलाकी पूर्वक पछि मात्रै इहीको प्रचलन चलाइएको देखिन्छ । 

नेवार समाजमा लैंगिक विभेदलाई बढावा दिने कुनै आधार ग्रन्थ छैन । यिनै कुराहरुको आधारमा नेवार समाजमा महिलाको स्थान पुरुषसमान नै रहेको देखिन्छ । तर विभिन्न अवसरमा देखिने गरेका केही असमानताको प्रश्नमा त्यस्तो भेदभाव देखिन थालेको सही हो तर त्यसलाई परम्पराको रुपमा लिइनु भने हुँदैन, त्यो त अन्य समाजको प्रभाव र विकृति हो । मौलिक मान्यता र संस्कृतिमाथि परेको बाह्य प्रभाव हट्ने हो भने लैंगीक समानताको जीवनशैली स्वतः पुनःस्थापित हुन्छ र यो अनिवार्य पनि हुन्छ ।
( साभार : हसना म्यागेजिन, वर्ष ६ अंक ४८, २०६८)